Millennials and Activism

Generational change and youth involvement hold special importance within social movement studies. Historically, young people have been deeply involved in the most important social movements in the United States and the World, such as the US Civil Rights Movement, the 60’s student movement in Europe and Latin America, the transnational LGBTQ movement, and many others. Millennials have perhaps been more socially and politically involved than other recent generations. They have engaged in traditional forms of political participation ranging from the conservative (e.g. the Tea Party) to the liberal (e.g. Obama’s two presidential campaigns). Recently, Millennials have also shown their involvement in less traditional forms of political engagement, such as their participation in #NeverAgain, #MeToo, the Women’s March, and other national and transnational social movements. It is clear then that millennials are not only decidedly engaged in the social and political issues that affect them, but also that they are clearly expressing their dissatisfaction through activism. Furthermore, there is evidence that this generation might be engaging in both traditional and innovative ways, expanding the repertoires of contention of previous generations. This dialogue invited social movement scholars and activists to reflect on the roles that millennials have played in recent social movement activity and the implications of their involvement for both our discipline and policy.

Thanks to our wonderful group of contributors.

Editors in Chief,
Grace Yukich, David Ortiz, Rory McVeigh, Guillermo Trejo

 

Advertisements

Leave a comment

Filed under Millennials and Activism

Class and Movement-Building: How does Class Shape Participation in Movements?

At this political moment, we hear urgent calls to organize cross-class, multiracial progressive movements to press for fundamental change. Since activism looks different among people of different classes, the challenges of organizing progressive movements vary by class.

 College-educated professional-middle-class (PMC) and wealthy activists are more likely to make an individual commitment to an issue and then seek out a group with a compatible ideology and mission. Today millions of them want to be part of a resistance movement, but to the extent that some PMC-led organizations have an individualistic and ideological inner culture, they may repel some working-class potential recruits. How can PMC activists’ solidarity muscles and cross-class alliance-building skills be strengthened? Conversely, working-class and poor activists tend to get involved through preexisting affiliations, whether with a workplace, a religious congregation, a neighborhood, or through invitations from family members or friends. It’s a challenge to expand locally rooted working-class efforts beyond a trusted circle to wield more power in a wider sphere. How can the scope of working-class activism be widened? Also, working-class and poor people may be biographically unavailable due to being low-wage, undocumented, single parents, etc., yet many working-class, poor, and multiply marginalized people have been powerful activists. What processes of empowerment have enabled them to take on public leadership, and how can those be replicated in other communities?

Special thanks to Guest Editor Betsy Leondar-Wright, who curated this exciting dialogue.

Thanks also to our wonderful group of contributors.

Frederic Rose, University of Massachusetts, Amherst (essay)
Hahrie Han, University of California, Santa Barbara (essay)
Linda Stout, Spirit in Action (essay)

Editors in Chief,
Grace Yukich, David Ortiz, Rory McVeigh, Guillermo Trejo

 

Leave a comment

Filed under Class and Movement Building

Is There a New Women’s Movement?

The day following the Inauguration of Donald Trump, an estimated 500,000 activists descended upon Washington D.C. to protest in opposition to the values of his administration. Similar marches were held in cities worldwide. There was controversy leading up to the event.  Women of color challenged the organization committee for lacking diversity and called for more intersectionality. Some white women resented the challenge and chose to stay home or threatened to do so.  The Women’s March was fraught with a long-standing issue within American feminist movement, how to unify across differences. The concerns of the activists were broad including: immigration reform, Black Lives Matter, anti-Muslim discrimination, reproductive rights, and climate change. What do we make of this historic event? Does this moment mark the beginning of a new women’s movement? If so, what are the issues of the new movement? Who is included? Excluded? What do we make of all those who participated? Is this movement intersectional? If so, how are the activists putting an intersectional women’s agenda into practice?

Special thanks to Guest Editor Daisy Reyes, who curated this exciting dialogue.

Thanks also to our wonderful group of contributors.

Michael T. Heaney, University of Michigan (essay)
Nancy Whittier, Smith College (essay)
Jo Reger, Oakland University (essay)

Editors in Chief,
Grace Yukich, David Ortiz, Rory McVeigh, Guillermo Trejo

Leave a comment

Filed under New Women's Movement

2018 McCarthy Award Winner!

The Center for the Study of Social Movements at the University of Notre Dame is very pleased to announce that the winner of the 2017 John D. McCarthy Award for Lifetime Achievement in the Scholarship of Social Movements and Collective Behavior is Aldon Morris of Northwestern University. The award not only recognizes Aldon’s extraordinary achievements in research, but also the role that he has played in mentoring successive generations of scholars. Continue reading

Leave a comment

Filed under Uncategorized

The Alt-Right

Donald Trump’s recent rise to power has put a spotlight on what has come to be known as the “alt-right.”  Yet the alt-right proceeded the Trump campaign and has, perhaps, contributed to Trump’s victory and also benefited from its close ties with the White House.  This dialogue invites social scientists to comment on its causes, consequences, and its likely trajectory.  What can social movement scholars learn from this movement?  What has contributed to its successes?  What limitations to future growth does it face (if any)?  What type of people are most likely to be attracted to the alt-right, and why?  How can this movement be resisted?  How severe is the threat posed by the movement?  How should progressives respond to the way in which the alt-right prompts debate and contention over the line between hate speech and free speech?

Many thanks to our wonderful group of contributors.

Hajar Yazdiha, University of Southern California-Dornsife (essay)
Robert Futrell & Pete Simi, University of Nevada-Las Vegas & Chapman University (essay)
Nella Van Dyke, University of California-Merced (essay)
Ziad Munson, Lehigh University (video)

Editors in Chief,
Grace Yukich, David Ortiz, Rory McVeigh, Guillermo Trejo

Leave a comment

Filed under Alt-Right

Hiding in Plain Sight: The Role of Youth in Politics and Activism

By Jennifer Earl

When Parkland students began their press for gun control, public reaction varied from inspired, to surprised, to dismissive. Critics charged that the students didn’t have enough experience or knowledge to be involved in the presumptively adult-oriented world of politics, although others were simply surprised because they bought into the idea that young people are not that engaged. But, for people who have been studying youth political engagement, their activism was less surprising than it was to see adults actually pay attention to it.

Continue reading

Leave a comment

Filed under Millennials and Activism

Twenty Years of Millennials’ Involvement in Social Movements

By Jessica Taft

Whenever I read yet another commentary that purports to describe the characteristics of millennials I can’t help but sigh and roll my eyes a bit.  How will they be characterized today, I wonder?  Self-absorbed? Socialists?  Apathetic?  Entrepreneurial?  Fragile? Resilient?  Unfortunately, the tendency to generalize about generations, especially when that generation’s members are in their youth or young adulthood, is pervasive.  While I firmly believe that sociologists should engage with the vital question of how a group’s shared experiences growing up in a particular historical and social context shapes their identities, including their political identities, the nuances often get lost and oversimplified when generational thinking is deployed in news and popular culture.  So it is with some serious hesitation that I enter into this dialogue about millennials and activism.

Continue reading

Leave a comment

Filed under Millennials and Activism

Considering Youth as an Identity

By Thomas V. Maher

After the Parkland shooting, Emma Gonzalez gave a thoughtful and furious speech calling “BS” on politicians, the NRA, and corporations for their complicity with the proliferation of guns and gun violence. Gonzalez began her conclusion by stating that “[t]he people in government who were voted into power were lying to us. And us kids seem to be the only ones who notice…” and ended by calling BS on the notion “that us kids don’t know what we’re talking about, that we’re too young to understand how the government works.” In the case of Parkland—as well as recent campus activism—media and supporters have celebrated youth leading the way, but youth activism is not always so well received. John Lewis famously railed against being told to “be patient and wait” by older Civil Rights activists. Others have questioned whether online activism could have an impact. More have raised concerns over whether activism against racism on campus is a misstep or a distraction from addressing institutionalized inequality. But to understand these critiques we must first recognize the role that youth plays as an identity for young activists.

Continue reading

Leave a comment

Filed under Millennials and Activism

Millennial Activists in the Labor Movement: Two Cases from Canada

By Rachel K. Brickner

In March 2018, motivated in large part by a pattern of bounced paychecks, the workers in four locations of the Smiling Goat cafe chain in Halifax, Nova Scotia voted to join the Service Employees International Union (SEIU). Workers at two other Smiling Goat locations have been unionized since 2013 and 2015, when those cafes—then under the ownership of the Just Us! cafe chain—were part of a barista unionizing campaign that mobilized young, progressive activists and called attention to the employment crisis facing millennial workers.

Unlike more well-known activist movements in which millennials have played an important role, such as Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, and the Dreamers, the Halifax barista union drives focus specific attention on millennials’ experience in the workforce and within the labor movement. And with good reason: millennials are engaged in an economy in which there has been poor median compensation growth since the mid-1980s. And yet, only 5-10% of millennials belong to unions—a factor linked to higher wages and better benefits—despite their support for organized labor and a slight uptick in union drives in workplaces with younger workers.

As Meaghan Dalton and I wrote recently, what was unique and important about the Halifax barista unionizing drives was that they were led mainly by women and LGBTQ workers for whom the general challenges of the precarious employment context were exacerbated by gender-based discrimination, harassment, and marginalization. For example, women spoke of unequal treatment and work assignments. Transgender baristas noted awkward and discriminatory treatment by customers, managers, and staff, as well as the difficulty of finding and changing jobs. It was not surprising, in these baristas’ analysis, that gender queer workers were at the bottom of the working class. The leaders of these drives turned to the SEIU because they thought that belonging to a union could make a positive difference in their employment experience. As one movement leader put it, “there’s not really many [employment] options, but [does] this option also need to be as bad as it is?” Supported by the SEIU, the Baristas Rise Up campaign raised awareness of the baristas’ experiences and mobilized local progressive activist networks and the public behind them. Ultimately, baristas at three of five targeted Halifax cafes voted to unionize.

This case illustrated clearly that issues of identity cannot be neatly separated from economic issues as traditionally understood. As such, Dalton and I argued that it is important for the labor movement to take an intersectional approach, viewing the experiences of workers—and, hence, their motivation for organizing—as crucially linked to their membership in different groups.

While the specific identity aspects of the Halifax baristas’ organizing drive may be unique, their case confirmed some of the obstacles to Millennials’ labour organizing that have been noted by others. For example, given declining rates of unionization, millennial workers do not necessarily know a lot about unions or have experience in the labor movement. The Halifax leaders got their start through personal connections in the SEIU who helped the barista leaders learn the ropes of organizing. It is incumbent on organized labor to reach out to millennial workers and empower them as labor organizers. Unions have come under criticism for being slow to organize young workers, despite precarious employment in the low wage service sector. Although unions are focusing more organizing attention on millennial workers, even one SEIU organizer noted of the Halifax barista union drives, when there is no guarantee of success, “how much resources do we want to put into this campaign in hopes that it will continue to spread?” Additionally, labor laws, procedural requirements, and outright intimidation make unionization difficult. Even when unionization is successful, workers and their unions cannot control the market: in Halifax, four of the five cafes involved in the barista union drives closed or were sold.

The challenges of unionization suggest the importance of alternative organizing models through which millennials can participate in the labor movement. The “$15 and Fairness” campaign in Ontario is one such model. Specifically, $15 and Fairness is a coalition of union and non-union labor activists, health providers, faith groups, campus communities, and migrant workers groups. The coalition took advantage of the provincial government’s call for a “Changing Workplaces Review” to advocate for provincial legislation that would address six key demands: a $15 minimum wage, paid sick days, labor protections and rights for all employees, fair scheduling practices, the right to organize and unionize, and respectful workplaces.

Millennials and young workers have been critical to the $15 and Fairness campaign. Campus organizing networks at 14 post-secondary institutions have used awareness raising activities, days of action, lobbying efforts, and strike support to draw attention to the shared work experiences of members of the campus community—low wages, precarious work, poor working conditions, and Islamophobia and other forms of harassment and discrimination. These activities have allowed the networks to build solidarity among students, full- and part-time faculty, and custodial and food service workers. Off campus, unionized and non-unionized millennial workers have used grassroots organizing and face-to-face outreach around the province to call attention to the need for decent work for low wage workers.

Many of the $15 and Fairness campaign’s demands were met in Ontario’s “Fair Workplaces, Better Jobs Act” (Bill 148), which passed in November 2017.

Unions are important for millennial workers, like the Halifax baristas, who want a collective voice in the workplace that will allow them to negotiate better wages, benefits, and working conditions. However, in a political and economic climate where there are significant obstacles to unionization, campaigns like $15 and Fairness create other important avenues for millennial activists to become involved in a more inclusive labor movement. Such campaigns expand the labor movement beyond unionized workers; acknowledge the experiences of workers from marginalized groups, like transgender, indigenous, young, and immigrant/migrant workers; and build coalitions to demand legislation that supports decent work for all.

 

Leave a comment

Filed under Millennials and Activism

Informing Activists: What should I know about reaching a diverse group of people online?

Thomas Elliott

What should I know about reaching a diverse group of people online?

Recommended Readings:

Classic:

Cohen, Cathy J., and Joseph Kahne. 2012. Participatory Politics: New Media and Youth Political Action, Youth & Participatory Politics. Chicago, ILMacArthur Foundation

Review (note: this is a review of digital divide work more broadly. It is not specifically focused on activism)

DiMaggio, Paul, Eszter Hargittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer. 2004. “Digital Inequality: From unequal access to differentiated use.” In K. Neckerman (Ed),  Social Inequality (p. 355-400). New York: Russell Sage Foundation

Contemporary:

Elliott, Thomas, and Jennifer Earl. 2016. “Online protest participation and the digital divide: Modeling the effect of the digital divide on online petition-signing.” New Media & Society 20(2):698-719.

Schradie, Jen. 2018. “The Digital Activism Gap: How Class and Costs Shape Online Collective Action.” Social Problems 65(1):51–74.

Leave a comment

Filed under Class and Movement Building, Informing Activists, Uncategorized

Class and Participation in Movement and Electoral Politics

By Daniel Laurison

Although this is a forum on class and social movement participation, I am going to use this space to write about class and participation in electoral politics. This is for three reasons. First, that’s what I know the most about, so, you know, that’s what I’ve got to contribute. Second, because I believe that social movements and electoral politics ought to be thought about, studied and analyzed together far more often than they are. And finally, and most importantly, because I think there are real similarities in the ways in which poor and working-class people can be or feel excluded from engaging in both electoral and movement politics and organizations.  I think it’s especially worth reflecting on what we can say about class and political participation in this post-2016 era.

Continue reading

Leave a comment

Filed under Class and Movement Building