Decentering Whiteness: At the Root of Nonhuman & Human Animal Liberation

BY Julia Feliz

In 2019, I released “Veganism of Color: Decentering Whiteness in Human and Nonhuman Liberation” as a conversation specifically meant between Vegans of Color and other People of Color. It was always meant to be a resource for us, by us in an effort to undo the damage that the mainstream vegan movement continues to do to Nonhuman Animal Rights/Liberation in a time when the movement still does not seem to acknowledge that centering nonhumans means to address the oppressive hierarchies also tied to otherized humans. Plainly stated, nonhuman animals have been a tool of whiteness, and whiteness is something that remains invisible to most white and other non-Black vegans and non-vegans.

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It’s the Pits: The American Pit Bull Terrier, Race, and Society

BY Julie LaBagnara

“The film Fruitvale Station…depicts the death of an unarmed African American man, Oscar Grant, at the hands of police, and in it there is a scene in which Grant pulls a pit bull-type dog from the street where it has been fatally injured by a car and holds it as it dies. Michael B. Jordan, who plays Oscar Grant, states: ‘Black males, we are America’s pit bull. We’re labeled vicious, inhumane, and left to die in the street’” (Weaver 2015, p. 345).

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Decentering Whiteness in the Study of Animal Advocacy

This essay dialogue might be different from what readers expect on Mobilizing Ideas. To support coalition-building and the ongoing global movement for Black Lives, MI is opening up the conversation beyond social movement scholars and beyond Sociology. Like other academic and non-academic organizations, the Animals & Society section of the American Sociological Association is using self-reflection to address that Black and Brown scholars are under-represented in our membership and in our field generally. This lack of BIPOC voices influences the research that our section supports, including research on animal advocacy as a social movement. That isn’t unique to our section, unfortunately.

There are three main intentions. The first is to provide critical feedback on the ways that anti-Black racism function covertly in animal advocacy itself and academic discourse about animal advocacy (as well as other social movements). Second, we want to build connections across disciplinary and organizational boundaries through critical coalition-building that is exemplified in these essays. Moses Seenarine and M. Shadee Malaklou explain the stakes for the quality of our research when we do not decenter whiteness in the social sciences and critical animal studies. Julie LaBagnara discusses how social movement processes that negated BIPOC perspectives compromised public understanding of animal advocates and their grievances. Julia Feliz, whose work inspired the title of this dialogue, “Decentering Whiteness in the Study of Animal Advocacy,” describes how BIPOC people are reclaiming veganism and empowering communities from within through the Vegans of Color project. Comprehensively, the authors here speak to how amplifying and centering BIPOC voices fosters multi-issued, coalition-building.

We hope you will use the comments sections here on the essays to contribute to this important conversation. Many thanks to the Vegan Awesome Foundation for their support of this project and to Mobilizing Ideas for welcoming this collaboration.

This month, we have four outstanding contributors. Many thanks for their contributions on this topic:


Contributing Editor,

Erin M. Evans

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Will the Media Play Victor Frankenstein on Election Night?

BY Jennifer Earl and Jessica Maves Braithwaite

Any journalist will tell you: report the story, but don’t be a part of it. But, without a concerted effort to avoid “business as usual” on November 3rd, American journalism will be one of the most consequential characters in the story of the 2020 Election. In this election, the horserace has been weaponized.

Elections equal horse races to the media. Even if “decision desks”—the set of people who help “call” elections—have proclaimed their patience, their news desks and opinion desks, and the companies that own them, may not be so patient. For business, the more drama, the more viewers, readers, and/or likes, the better. But, the 2020 election is highly unlikely to be decided on Election Night itself.

When drama-hungry media howl for a winner on Election Night and/or dramatically cover a horserace, instead of a democracy, in the days, or weeks, after November 3rd, it will create a needless sense of urgency that those willing to subvert democratic institutions are counting on. For instance, an important justification for Supreme Court intervention in the election could come from pretending that the American people can’t wait for our votes to be counted, even while so many people (disproportionately people of color) are willing to wait for hours to vote in hopes they will be counted. A key way to legitimize state governments casting aside ballots and deciding on their own electors is to cite the media’s rush as an indicator that voters lack patience.

To be sure, we are not claiming that situation we are in is the result of the media. We are in an elaborate Rube Goldberg machine that was set in motion years ago, and everyone looks on amazed and surprised while the pieces continue to fall as researchers anticipated. But, the media’s part in this Goldberg machine is critical for the machine reaching its conclusion in a failed democracy. All that has to happen for the media to play Victor Frankenstein to our democracy on election night is for journalists and reporters to ignore the warning signs and continue with a horserace as usual, ignoring its weaponization.

What can the media do to avoid this and how can social movements help? The media-related steps are easy to identify but require significant discipline.

Step 1: The media must practice patience. Media broadly—decision desks, news desks, and opinion desks—need to commit now to practices that will facilitate patience on election night and afterwards. The decision desk’s patience must not be undermined: having one part of your organization committed to patience and the rest fanning the flames of impatience is making your media organization very much part of the story. Committing to patience isn’t going to get easier as we get closer to Election Day. The likelihood that media that don’t commit to organization-wide patience before Election Day will embrace patience afterwards is vanishingly small.

Step 2. Media should follow evidence-based guides on reporting like these from the Election Coverage and Democracy Network. Practices like “distinguish[ing] between legitimate, evidence-based challenges to vote counts and illegitimate ones that are intended to delay or call into question accepted procedures” and “don’t use social media to fill gaps in institutionally credible and reliable election information” are critical to maintaining patience and to starving the fire that may well burn on Election night, threatening to engulf our democracy.

Step 3. The media can use their reporting to help communities “Hold the Line” on defending democracy. Social movements are already trying to address key concerns about the Election. For instance, organizers are already working to preserve our democracy by protecting three basic principles: all votes must be counted; allegations of voter suppression and election irregularities must be impartially investigated and redressed; and the final result must be peacefully respected. Not only do we need media to refuse to spread chaos, we need prior reporting that helps their audience understand local voting practices and protections and evaluate how well their community is doing at ensuring that all voters are able to freely vote and have their votes counted.

Is the media up to the test? On the one hand, the willingness of journalists to be assaulted to tell the story of protests this summer says yes. But, on the other hand, media have been unwittingly weaponized before, delivering Trump $2 billion dollars in free media coverage, 2.5 times more than Clinton in 2016. Social movement organizers around the country are working right now to encourage the media, and other key actors, to ensure the integrity of the American election. In the days that follow it, it is possible that non-violent collective action will be necessary to have Election results fairly counted and/or honored. Movements need to remember during the weeks surrounding the Election that they may achieve their short-term election goals by encouraging the media to follow the steps above.

We will find out over the next 2-3 weeks whether journalists are going to be the story, pretending that normal practices in abnormal times are neutral. We hope the media will indeed rise to serve as the Fourth Estate.


Note: The opinions represented in this piece are our own views and do not represent the views or positions of our institutions or organizations.

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Under Pressure

Protest against the Canal Istanbul project in Küçükçekmece, Istanbul. July 22, 2020
Banner: “During the pandemic, we seek life they seek rent

Collective action is alive during the pandemic. But in which social movement areas? One obvious category is public health: Those who demand more public health measures might take online action, and those who oppose protective measures might take to the streets. Either side might target state actors or fellow citizens. The second category that comes to mind is labor. As the pandemic disrupts life, the measures were taken against the spread of the virus (or their lack thereof) lead to economic depression and rising unemployment. We would expect labor-related protests as a result. These are the usual suspects, how about the unusual ones?

Environmental emergency, democracy, anti-racism, and women’s rights seem to trigger protests across the globe. The activists’ perception of urgency might lead them to take to the streets amidst a pandemic. Despite the restrictions.  Despite the de facto media blackout on news not related to Covid-19, especially in the first few months of the pandemic. All the while, the pandemic driven state of emergency measures and media’s focus on Covid-19 related news might lift some of the pressures policy makers face in other policy areas. In other words, social movements face more obstacles to be heard and politicians risk less punishment for ignoring the movements’ demands.

As scholars of social movements, we need to focus on the indirect impact of Covid-19 measures on collective action as well. Across the globe. Here are two strikingly similar cases of urban development and environmental policy from my comparative project: Brazil and Turkey (see here for a snapshot on collective action in Turkey). In both of the countries, during the first months of the pandemic, the national governments continued their “development” policies, which environmental groups vehemently opposed. In Brazil, the topic was the deforestation of the Amazon. In Turkey, it was the Canal İstanbul project that aims to create a second Bosphorus in İstanbul. Ricardo Salles, the  Brazilian environment minister, argued that the pandemic was a great opportunity to push for unpopular measures, which might likely get blocked in congress. For him, the pandemic was the right time for these policy changes because media focused solely on Covid. Similarly, in March, the Turkish government held a tender for the Canal İstanbul project at a time when schools were shut down and weekend curfews were introduced in Turkey. It lead to an outcry from environmentalist groups claiming that the government took advantage of a public health crisis.

These examples show just one aspect of the indirect impact of the pandemic on the ability of the social movement actors to pressure state actors. Their room to maneuver is severely restricted as it is harder to gather media’s attention, coordinate protests on the streets, or influence agenda-setting in general.

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Why Post-Election Protests Persist in Belarus

By Olena Nikolayenko

Over the past month, Belarus has been rocked by some of the largest post-election rallies since the collapse of communism. Despite state repression, anti-government protests have shown no signs of fading in the former Soviet republic, located between Poland on the one hand and Russia on the other. This surge in mass mobilization caught many observers of local politics off guard because Alyaksandar Lukashenka, a former head of a collective farm, has ruled the country with an iron fist since 1994 and has never encountered such a high level of resistance to the regime. A configuration of five factors explains why protests persist in the autocracy.

First, consistent with prior research on electoral revolutions, electoral fraud was a catalyst for the onset of mass protests in August 2020. The presidential elections turned into a battle between the incumbent president and a political novice. Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya registered as a presidential candidate after her spouse, a popular blogger, had been jailed and denied a chance to run for presidency. The Central Election Commission announced that Lukashenka was reelected for the sixth term in office, with 80 percent of the vote. According to the official results, Tsikhanovskaya received 10 percent of the popular vote. However, online opinion polls, independent election observation reports, and numerous eyewitness accounts clearly indicated that the overwhelming majority of the electorate voted for Tsikhanovskaya.

Public outrage over sadistic police beating of peaceful protesters and torture of citizens in detention centers further fueled civil resistance. My research on the 2013-2014 Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine shows that the defense of human dignity was pivotal to mass mobilization against the regime. Similarly, thousands of Belarusians poured into the streets to demand the government’s respect of human dignity and the provision of political freedoms.

Second, the development of a horizontal organization structure was vital to the survival of the protest movement. In the absence of formal movement leaders, ordinary citizens relied upon informal social networks and social media to sustain protest activity. Research shows that social media can perform a variety of functions to facilitate mass mobilization. The Telegram channel Nexta assumed a critical role in overcoming the government’s shutdown of the Internet and disseminating information to over 1.5 million subscribers. Compared to Facebook and Twitter, the cloud-based instant messaging app Telegram was better positioned to bypass the state-sanctioned blockage of the Internet.

Third, commitment to nonviolent action underpins the durability of contentious collective action in Belarus. Prior research finds that nonviolent protest campaigns are more effective than violent uprisings in achieving their goals. Belarusians displayed a great deal of creativity in challenging the regime. In particular, women wearing white and holding flowers employed such attention-grabbing methods of nonviolent resistance as the formation of human chains, the performance of Belarusian-language songs, and the use of chants during peaceful marches. Notably, women compared the autocrat’s treatment of the nation to the violent behavior of a domestic abuser.

Fourth, spatial dispersion of post-election protests galvanized into action citizens across Belarusian large cities and small towns. Pockets of resistance to the authoritarian regime are no longer limited to the capital city. Furthermore, unlike the 2006 post-election protests, involving an encampment on Kastrychnitskaya Square in Minsk or the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, citizens refrained from permanently occupying a public square. Instead, protesters gathered in multiple spots throughout Minsk and spill out in bedroom communities, creating an element of surprise.

Fifth, this wave of mass mobilization was bolstered by a cross-cutting coalition of intellectuals, white-collar professionals, and the working class. A strike at the Kolubara coal mines delivered a heavy blow to Slobodan Milosevic’s standing in the wake of the 2000 post-election protests. Likewise, strikes at state-owned enterprises undermined Lukashenka’s legitimacy. In a dramatic gesture of solidarity, IT sector professionals, school teachers, sportsmen, and potash miners joined forces to press for the autocrat’s resignation.

It has yet to be seen whether the police officers and the military will defect en masse to accelerate the strongman’s downfall and reduce the likelihood of further bloodshed.

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Roundtable Discussion: The Movement for Black Lives: We Do We Go from Here?

This Thursday, 2 July (12pm-1pm), Harvard Kennedy School’s Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation will host a roundtable discussion revolving around the ongoing Black Lives Matter mass movement for racial justice. Drawing on lessons from both the ongoing mass mobilization for racial justice and the history of racial inequality in the United States, the roundtable will focus particularly on far-reaching, effective solutions to address these pervasive, systemic inequalities. The panel will feature leading scholars on these questions, including Megan Ming Francis from the University of Washington, Saida Grundy from Boston University, Elizabeth Kai Hinton from Yale University, and Kellie Carter Jackson from Wellesley College. Leah Wright Rigueur from Harvard Kennedy School will moderate the discussion.

For more information and registration, please visit:

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Black Scholar Spotlight

In solidarity with the global anti-racism movement, we at Mobilizing Ideas want to contribute to the fight against anti-Black bias in the academy by amplifying the voices of Black scholars whose work deals with social movements (broadly defined). Our next dialogue will be a platform that lists the work and contact information of Black scholars. We have two primary goals for this platform: 1) to enable social movement scholars to immediately begin reading and citing the work of Black scholars with more intentionality; 2) to provide a resource for members of the press to easily contact Black scholars for their social movements expertise. We ask Black scholars who want to participate to e-mail 1-2 sentences about your expertise, contact information, and a picture to : so we can create a blog post with their information. Lastly, we thank Black scholars for their persistence in the face of white supremacy. Their work matters, contributes to the canon, and deserves more recognition.

Editors in Chief,

Rory McVeigh, David Ortiz, Grace Yukich and Daisy Verduzco Reyes


Many thanks to our contributors:

Aisha Upton

I am a PhD candidate at the University of Minnesota. My research agenda is focused on race, gender, and social movements. My current work examines how Black women’s voluntary associations interact with social movements. My dissertation, “Roses and Revolution: Black Sororities’ Responses to the Black Feminist Movement from 1968-1980” is a comparative-historical project that highlights how mainstream organizations can be affected by radical movements. 






Amaka Okechukwu

I am an Assistant Professor of Sociology at George Mason University. Central questions that animate my research agenda include: How do social movements produce and respond to racial politics in the post-civil rights period? How has social policy developed in response to the demands of social movements? And how might social movements shape or reflect urban social and spatial relations? My book To Fulfill These Rights: Political Struggle over Affirmative Action and Open Admissions (Columbia University Press 2019) won the 2020 Eduardo Bonilla-Silva Outstanding Book Award from the Society for the Study of Social Problems (Division on Racial and Ethnic Minorities). I am currently working on a new book project concerning community organizing in Black neighborhoods in Brooklyn during the urban crisis.         


Angelica Loblack

I am Angelica (Jelly) Loblack, a doctoral student in the Department of Sociology at the University of Maryland. My research agenda centers around the changing meanings and conceptions of blackness and how these differentially inform diasporic consciousness, racial and ethnic identity, and calls for racial solidarity in political movements. Specifically, I interrogate how distinct processes of racial socialization and racialization work together with persistent exposure to anti-Blackness and racism to motivate Black immigrant and multiracial involvement in anti-racist activism and race-based social movements.


Twitter: @whyso_jelly





Ashley Cole

I am Ashley Cole, originally from the USA but residing in the UK as a final year PhD student and a teaching assistant in sociology. My thesis is on leadership within social movement organisations with a case study on the Black Lives Matter chapter-based organisation. My area of expertise extends to black studies, media, and politics.


Twitter: @Ashleychercole


Ashley Crooks-Allen

Ashley Crooks-Allen (They/Them) is a Sociology Ph.D. candidate at the University of Georgia, where they focus on Black immigrant identity and racialized social movements. Their dissertation, tentatively titled “Mestizaje Undone: A Qualitative Social Media Analysis of Afro-Latinx Identity & Social Movements”, takes a  qualitative approach to understanding how Afro-Latinx people use social media to make identity claims in relation to the Black Lives Matter Movement.


Twitter: @Lyrical_Ley


Burrel Vann Jr

Burrel Vann Jr is an Assistant Professor of Criminal Justice in the School of Public Affairs at San Diego State University. His scholarly work contributes to the study of politics, social movements and protest, drugs and crime, race, and discourse. Currently, his research centers on the political and discursive shifts about marijuana from 1930 to 2019. His prior work has focused on how protests impact voting and elections, the emergence of social movements, and how organizations are covered by the news.




Callie Watkins Liu

Dr. Callie Watkins Liu is an intersectional and critical race scholar-activist, dedicated to research and collaborations that prioritize social justice and center the socially vulnerable. Dr. Watkins Liu’s work challenges power inequities and supports social justice oriented systems, structures and practices. Her publications apply critical analyses to: Social Movements, knowledge production, identity and organizational dynamics.






Candice C. Robinson

I am a PhD candidate at the University of Pittsburgh. My research agenda is motivated by a commitment to examine how everyday activities of Black elites contribute to social change in Black communities in the US and abroad.  My dissertation, “Be the Movement: An Ethnographic Study on the Longevity of the National Urban League,” is in conversation with research on the Black Middle Class and civic engagement which has far reaching implications in the areas of race, class, social inequality, politics, and social movements.



Chaniqua D. Simpson (she/her)

I am a Black queer doctoral student and scholar-activist based in North Carolina. While I have an array of interests, my current work broadly focuses on Black social movements, gender/sexuality, and critical race theory. My dissertation uses the case study of a Black youth organization within the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) to understand how organizers utilize intersectional theory and praxis to bring members into the movement and to create campaigns and protest actions. I am specifically interested in bridging critical race theory, decolonial theory, and social movement theories for a more comprehensive understanding of movements of the racially oppressed.


Website: (under construction)


Crystal Eddins

I am an Assistant Professor of Africana Studies at UNC Charlotte and hold a dual major PhD in African American & African Studies and Sociology. My research areas are African Diaspora Studies, Historical Sociology, and Social Movements. I study the role of African Diaspora consciousness, cultures, and identities during collective mobilizations. My manuscript in progress, African Diaspora Collective Action: Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution, is an interdisciplinary case study that explores the relationship between enslaved people’s ritual life, collective consciousness, and marronnage (escape from enslavement) before the Haitian Revolution of 1791-1804. 


Twitter: @CrystalNEddins

Emmanuel Cannady

Emmanuel Cannady is a PhD candidate at the University of Notre Dame. He is a College of Arts and Letters Dean’s Fellow, a Graduate Student Affiliate of the Klau Center for Human Rights, and a Gender Studies Graduate Minor. Emmanuel’s research deals broadly with race and ethnicity, trauma, racialization, family, social movements, and the sociology of knowledge. His main research agenda interrogates the racialized meanings of interpersonal interactions across different contexts, including social movement organizations, bystander intervention, friendships, and partner selection to reveal the complex reality of race in the 21st century. For his dissertation, Emmanuel participates in a chapter of the Black Lives Matter Global Network to investigate how intersecting levels of trauma affect activists’ creation and deployment of different types of knowledge.



Jalia Joseph

Jalia L. Joseph (They/She pronouns) is a doctoral student at Texas A&M University. Broadly, their research focuses on social movements, race and ethnicity, feminisms, knowledge, and power. Their current research analyzes how social movement scholarship makes meaning of race when analyzing race-based social movement. Additionally, they are interested in how dreams, imagination, and perceptions of the future are connected to social movement action.







Jean Beaman

Jean Beaman is an Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara. She is the author of “Citizen Outsider: Children of North African Immigrants in France” (University of California Press, 2017), Associate Editor of the journal Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power, and Corresponding Editor for the journal Metropolitics/Metropolitiques. Her current book project is an ethnographic examination of anti-racist mobilization and activism against police violence against racial and ethnic minorities in France from 2005 to 2020. Specifically, she interrogates how activists frame and combat racism in a context of civic republicanism, as well as how activists interpret and respond to the BlackLivesMatter movement in the United States and other struggles for Black liberation worldwide.  


Jennifer Jones

I am Assistant Professor of Sociology & Latin American and Latino Studies at the University of Illinois at Chicago. I conduct research on immigrant-serving institutions, the role of race in shaping movement politics, the relationship between social movements, politics, and race-making, multiracial organizing, and Black/Latino coalitions. 



Phone: 312-996-0123


Mark Toney

I have extensive experience in social movement practice and a track record of success in winning policy campaigns, initially as a community organizer for a welfare rights organization in 1982, founding executive director of Direct Action for Rights & Equality for eight years beginning in 1986, executive director of Center for Third World Organizing from 2000–2004, and executive director of The Utility Reform Network since 2008. Social movements, particularly how people exercise power and how people who don’t have any get some, comprised the core of my graduate studies in the UC Berkeley Sociology Department, in which I conducted research and wrote extensively about the Welfare Rights, Community Organizing, and the emerging Formerly Incarcerated People’s Movement.

I currently serve on the boards of ACLU Northern California, Consumer Federation of California, National Whistleblower Center, and California Shakespeare Theatre. My leadership has been recognized as a Kellogg National Leadership Fellow, National Science Foundation Fellow and Echoing Green Fellow. 


Monika Gosin

I am an Associate Professor of Sociology and Director of the Latin American Studies Program at the College of William & Mary. My work deals with social movements, broadly defined. My book The Racial Politics of Division (Cornell, 2019) examines, in part, how African Americans in Miami, FL expressed their frustrations about how the local and federal government had neglected their concerns about police brutality, poverty, and loss of jobs. I examine their critiques of a system that continued to disenfranchise native-born African Americans while, in the context of the Cold war, immigration policy discriminated against Haitian immigrants, favoring Cuban migrants. Highlighting African American discursive analyses of their changing socio-political environment during two pivotal moments in Miami history, my work captures the promises, contradictions, and dilemmas involved in African American quests to advocate for themselves, and illuminates their fight against various forms of anti-blackness in ever evolving demographic contexts. 


Shaonta’ E. Allen

I’m a PhD Candidate in Sociology at the University of Cincinnati. My research draws on race and social movements scholarship to examine the various ways Black Americans perceive and respond to racial inequality and how this resistance varies across institutional contexts. I specifically explore Black resistive practices within Religion, Higher Education, and Pop-Culture & Sport to theorize contemporary strategies for navigating racial and gendered hierarchies.





Simone N. Durham

Simone is a doctoral student in sociology at the University of Maryland, College Park. Through her research, she endeavors to merge social movement and critical race theories to provide a better understanding of race-based movements. Simone’s research projects examine varied narratives and perspectives on the #BlackLivesMatter movement through multiple methodological approaches. Her primary ongoing project (which will be her dissertation) uses interviews to examine how Black millennials in the U.S. understand and relate to the #BlackLivesMatter movement.


Twitter: @SOCYsimone


(To be continued)

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Crowd sourced data collection & sharing on police brutality in Floyd protests

An effort is underway to “document examples of excessive force being used by law enforcement officers during the 2020 protests sparked by the death of George Floyd.assemble reports of police brutality occurring in the George Floyd” in order to “assist journalists, politicians, prosecutors, activists and concerned citizens.”

You can report an incident here (you’ll need to register for a GitHub account if you don’t have one).

To see/use the data already assembled or to learn more, go here (no account/login required).

This is a crowdsourced effort, so spread the word.

Questions? Contact Dan Myers (

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Dear Colleagues,

We are pleased to announce the Cambridge University Press Elements series on Contentious Politics, which we are co-editing. Cambridge Elements are a new concept in academic publishing and scholarly communication, combining some of the best features of books and journal articles. They consist of original, concise, peer-reviewed scholarly research of approximately 20,000 to 30,000 words. Contributions are published digitally (with bound paper copies supplied on demand), giving authors the ability to regularly update the work and providing a dynamic reference resource for students, researchers, and practitioners. The format will allow authors to include visual elements such as video links, color pictures, and graphs as well as other innovative features.

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